made ready their powers earlier in the charm and again the usual translation cshot of witch' misleads. From line 23 of the charm we have an interesting string of supernatural beings told over, beings who, according to the charm composer, may have caused his patient's pain. The list shows us a very early stage in the development of a Germanic mythology, a picture far removed from the comparatively elaborate tales of Scandinavian gods. It is interesting to note that the modern German word for lumbago, Hexenschuss, looks back ultimately to the beliefs of such a passage and, indeed, dictionaries of the northern dialects of modern English cite many examples of elf in compounds, reminiscent of theylfa gescot of line 24.

These charm cures were practised by both men and women, and both could be suspected of using powers of bewitching. The speaker of the land remedy asks God to protect his charm:

Nu ic bidde pone waldend, se pe pas woruld gesceop, paet ne sjj nan to pas cwidol wif ne to pees crceftig man, pcet awendan ne mage word pus ge ewe dene

"I ask the ruler who wrought this earth, that there may be no woman eloquent enough and no man powerful enough to change the words thus spoken.'

No particular attention is directed to the cwidol wif any more than to the crceftig man, suggesting that as yet the Anglo-Saxons were without the concept of especially evil women magicians. The speaker of the charm for settling a swarm of bees says that earth can prevail:

. . . wid ealra wihta gehwilce and wid andan and wid aminde and wid pa micelan marines tungan.61

c. . . against all creatures, and against injury and against forgetfulness and against the mighty words of men.'

and goes on to address sigewif Victorious women'. Earlier he has not pointed to any special evil influence of women magicians, so it is scarcely likely that he now remembers them. He addresses sigewif, and three explanations remain possible. The sigewif may be supernatural beings, like da mihtigan wij\ whose favour he entreats; sigewif may be extended to the whole swarm and therefore the speaker addresses them directly; sigewif may be understood as singular, thus the queen bee, and addressed with courteous plural: perhaps the second is the most satisfying explanation, as then a plural word for bees would refer back to hi 'they' of the directions in the previous line.

Gibbon, recognizing that King Rotharius found it necessary to protect his subjects from a popular and judicious prejudice against witchcraft, suggested that this prejudice was 'of Italian rather than barbarian extraction'.62 Savage laws against sorcerers and the practice of magic

62 The Decline and Tall of the Roman Empire (ed. 1815) VIII 153.

made by the first Christian emperors were adopted and elaborated by later ecclesiastical writers to combat a strange mixture of religions at various stages of development and decay. A clear and concise summary of some such writings preceding Theodore's time is presented by Montague Summers,63 yet he fails to point out the true significance of these correspondences. He accepts without question the large section devoted to witchcraft and magic in Thorpe's edition of Theodore's penitentials,64 but the amount of this material now generally attributed to Theodore is considerably smaller. Its five clauses prescribe penance for those eating food which has been sacrificed and for those following two old superstitions (putting a girl on a roof to cure fever, burning grain after death to protect the health of the living). With them is included the passage:

Si qua mulier divinationes vel incantationes diabolicas fecerit, 1 annum poeniteat, vel 3 XLmas, XL dies, juxta qualitatem culpae poenitentis*h

Canon 24 of the fourth-century synod of Ancyra follows, perhaps to explain a general doctrine and a punishment which seemed unduly harsh in Anglo-Saxon England.

Seventh- and eighth-century English codes of civil law detail punishment for worshipping heathen gods but significantly the evil practice of magic is not mentioned. This would suggest that the continental writings about witchcraft were still unknown in England at this time except perhaps to scholarly churchmen such as Aldhelm. The ceorl66 who, according to Wihtred's laws, made offerings to the devil was in reality worshipping dying heathen gods. Neither civil nor ecclesiastical law of this period forbade the use of medical and semi-magical salves.

Constant communication of Danish settlers with their homeland may have made for a far greater preservation of their customs and beliefs than there had been in the Anglo-Saxon settlements. Certainly their religion, an elaborate form of the heathenism almost dead among the Anglo-Saxons, spread with their settlements and soon seriously threatened the position of the Christian church. By the end of the ninth century scholarship had declined even in Wessex, a province relatively unaffected by Scandinavian invasion, and Alfred and his successors found it necessary to include among their laws more stringent punishments for heathen practices.

With these are linked the first laws in English civil codes against witchcraft. In Alfred's laws we read:

. . . pa fcemnan pe gewuniap anfon galdorcrceft 7 scinlacan 7 wiccan, ne Icet pu pa libban.67

63 M. Summers The Geography of Witchcraft (London 1926) pp. 65-75.

64 B. Thorpe The Ancient Laws and Institutions of England (London 1840) Theod. jud. poen. xxvii.

65 J. T. MacNeill and H. Gamer Mediceval Handbooks of Penance (New York 1938) p. 198.

66 F. L. Attenborough Laws of the Earliest English Kings (Cambridge 1922) Wihtred 12.

67 ibid. Alfred: Prelim. 30.

. . women who are wont to practise enchantments, and magicians and witches, do not allow them to live.'

This is an obvious elaboration of Exodus xxii 18: Maléficos non patieris vivere. Wicca, very likely a contraction of witega and certainly cognate with it,68 occurs more frequently than the feminine form wicce. Although the early glossators used wycce to explain phytonyssa** Alfred did not use it to describe Circe and, remembering this, we should perhaps regard the wiccan of Alfred's law as either men or women. In the laws of Edward and Guthrum the contrasting coupling of wiccan and wigleras10 is again inconclusive, for throughout the Anglo-Saxon period the word cannot be regarded as masculine or feminine, unless its gender is proven by contextual evidence.

The Anglo-Saxons supplied their own words for much of the Latin terminology of magic, but this does not constitute evidence for the existence of a similar native tradition of magic. Just as Mercury was regarded as the Latin translation of Woden (Mercurius on life),71 so early glossarists equated hcegtis and striga,72 hcehtis and furia.™ When the phrase hcegtessan gescot is recalled, such occurrences would suggest that this word is used for supernatural beings in early Anglo-Saxon England. We find also walcyrge against eurynis, uualcyrge against tisifone{ph), walcrigge against herenis in the Corpus glossary74 and a translation of a phrase describing beasts with Gorgons' eyes runs da deor habbap w&lkyrian eagan?h these and similar examples indicate a translation such as 'war-goddess'. Yet Alfred used neither hagtis nor wcelcyrge as translations for the Furies, retaining their Latin names or else calling them metena or gydena?6 The tenth-century occurrence of wcelcyrian in Canute's laws77 and in a contemporary sermon by Wulfstan78 cannot be explained by reference to these glosses, for the law hardly legislated against Germanic goddesses of war. The same phrase occurs again in the fourteenth-century poem Purity as ivy che 5 7 walkyries79 among a list of types of sorcerers, magicians and evil-doers. We should perhaps explain the retention of the phrase so late as due more to a quality of sound than of meaning, sound which first coupled these words together for rhetorical effect.

Although there is no description of magical practices in the main body of Old English heroic verse, apart from that of the taking of omens in Beowulf, many terms occur which are closely related to words

68 W. W. Skeat "Etymological Dictionary (Oxford 1898) s.v. 'witch'.

69 Wright A Volume of Vocabularies 741, 742. 70 Attenborough op. cit.: Edw. & Guth. 11.

71 J. M. Kemble Solomon and Saturnus (London 1848) p. 120 1. 70. Cf. Wulfstan's attempts to identify

OSinn with Mercury in De Falsis Deis 11.65 f. in D. Bethurum The Homilies of Wulfstan (Oxford 1957) p. 223. 72 Sweet Oldest English Texts Corpus 1913 p. 99.

73 ibid. Epinal Erfurt 913 p. 94. Cf. Leiden 128 p. 126. 74 ibid. Corpus 771, 2017, 1018.

75 O. Cockayne Narratiunculae Anglice Conscriptae (London 1861) 34®.

76 W. Sedgefield Alfred's Boethius (Oxford 1899) p. 102 1. 22.

77 Canute Proel. 15. 78 D. Whitelock Ser mo Tupi ad Anglos (London 1939) p. 1111. 167 f.

79 Purity 1157.

that, outside the poetry, deal with the performance of magical actions. Hrothgar tells us that Heorot had to be protected against demons and spectres scuccum ond scinnum80 as well as foes; scucca is used mainly for the devil, rarely in the plural for demons; scinna is more interesting for the strength of meaning it still held among the Anglo-Saxons. It has been suggested that the magic connotation of sein probably arose from the flickering flames of light that rotting vegetation throws up, creating the impression of dancing spirits:81 the compounds it occurs in all deal with the production of delusions and phantasms. (The word for medicine or drug, Ijbb, has also a bad sense 'poison': it too is used to form compound terms descriptive of magic.) A verb, gcilan 'to chant', does not evoke any feelings of magic when Beowulf describes an old man who sings a song of sorrow, sorhleodgceled^ for his son. In the Riddles the same verb82 is variously interpreted as "utters an incantation'83 and 'cries out' :84 whether this is a picture of the enchantment of a sword or merely tells of a woman's hatred for battle is disputed. Elsewhere the verb has definite magical connotation; a derivative gealdor has been mentioned above. More examples could be cited, but one conclusion remains, that the authors of the early heroic verse were on the whole not interested in magic. Such apparent lack of interest is all the more startling when compared on the one hand with the later Scandinavian sagas, on the other with the English laws, sermons, penitentials and charms.

Most important, this early literature gives us no picture of a strong live belief in magic such as we see in the Sagas where magicians, especially the cruel and omniscient women magicians, are dreaded and honoured. In the late fourteenth-century Saga of Hrolf Kraki, for example, Heith tells well-guarded secrets and makes prophecy from her high incantation stool;85 many similar tales attest to the great power enjoyed by such women. The English writings which deal with magical practices reveal rather a sophisticated and learned interest fed from foreign sources. The native vocabulary is large, larger than seems necessary for the almost dead tradition of magic. Its very detail exists to translate and explain the strictures and discussions of homilist and lawmaker. There are close correspondences between pre-conquest laws later than Alfred and homiletic materials. Especially close is the relationship between a passage from one of Canute's laws and a sentence in Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi ad Anglos—similar sentences can be found in continental writings as early as the seventh century—and their interdependence is often debated; what is important is that neither is completely original.

The Alfredian law quoted above is in itself a poor starting point for

80 Beowulf 939. 81 D. G. Storms Anglo-Saxon Magic (The Hague 1954) pp. 114 f.

82 Riddle 20, 1. 35. 83 A. J. Wyatt The Anglo-Saxon Kiddles (1912) p. 79.

84 v. ibid, and Grein and Wülcker Bibliothek der Angelsächsischen Poesie III Band - 2 Hälfte p. 196.

85 S. B. Mills Saga of Hrolf Kraki (Oxford 1933) p. 5.

the examination of legislation against witchcraft in England, as we shall see on glancing at a second version which is preserved:

... pa fcemnan pe gewuniap anfon galdorcraftigan 7 scinlcecan 7 mccan, ne lest pu pa libban.86

\ . . the women who are wont to receive enchanters, magicians and witches, do not allow them to live.'

The difference is deceptively slight, a mere ending on the word galdor-crafty but it changes the whole interpretation of the law, allowing comparison with the title of a salve (from the third of the Leechbooks) designed to protect against harm from

. . . celfcynne 7 nihtgengan 7 pam mannum pe deofol mid hamp^7 c. . . elves and evil spirits of the night and women who lie with the devil/

In both the idea of bodily association with an evil power is literally translated, the salve guarding against phantasms where the law opposes their creators. Two manuscripts support this reading of the law, the first mention of the making of a pact with an evil power in English writings. The composite nature of the leechbook, compiled in the mid-tenth century, most likely incorporating much earlier material, is widely admitted. It is tempting to suggest that originally the heading of this receipt may have read wip celfcynne, the instructions detailing a remedy for injuries attributed to the attack of elves, and that some scribe, thinking the salve meant to shield Christians from heathen foes, added to the title other enemies he thought it would prevail against. A decree, attributed to some general council in Ancyra thought to have met in the ninth century, is perhaps to be regarded as the ultimate source for the introduction of such caveats into England:

. . . quadam sceleratce mulieres retro post Satanam converses, dcemonum illusionibus & phantasmatibus seductce, credunt se & profitentur nocturnis horis cum Diana paganorum dea & innumera multitudine mulierum equitare super quasdem bestias, e^ multa terrarum spatia intempestee noctis silentio pertransire, ejusque jussionibus velut dominee obedire, <& certis noctibus ad ejus servitium evocari.88

Certainly the Latin canon, the English law and recipe heading share a belief in the evil power the devil may assume over man's body as well as mind.

It is significant that 7 wiccan in this law, no matter which interpretation we choose, occurs in addition to the other terms. This indicates that the word was still separate in identity from the others, a general term for both men and women, just as the cognate verb has the simple meaning 'to practise witchcraft'. The verb is first recorded in late tenth-century

86 Liebermann Die Geset^e der Angelsachsen (Halle 1903—16).

87 Cockayne Leechdoms, Star craft and Wortcunning I 342.

88 Reginonis abbatis prumiensis libri duo de ecclesiasticis disciplinis religione Christiana (Paris 1671) § 364 P- 345-

church canons where particular disapproval is directed against anyone who:

. . . wiccige ymb ceniges mannes lufe. 7 him on cete sjlle. oppe on drince. oppe on aniges cynnes gealdorcrafturn. pat hyra lufu forpon pe mare beon scyle . . ,89

. . practises witchcraft concerning the love of any man, or gives him in food or drink or in enchantments of any kind anything so that because of it their love may be the greater . .

The authenticity of the code in which these words occur is often doubted, but the picture it presents is not one of irreconcilable contradictions. Some passages refer to lingering beliefs and superstitions about trees, stones and wells, to divination on Sunnan. 7 on Monan. 7 on steorrena ryne ("in sun and in moon and in the courses of stars') and to idol worship. Herb gathering is allowed:

. . . mid nanum galdre. buton mid "Pater noster 7 mid Cre dam. oppe mid sumon gebede. pe to Gode belimpe.

. . without any incantation, unless with Our Father and with the Creed or with some prayer that appertains to God.'

Yet these and other late collections of canon law were framed particularly for conditions in the north of England where a large section of the community was Norse and therefore less cut off in time from their heathen beliefs and customs.

iElfric, in a sermon on auguries,90 also mentions love philtres among the practices of witches. As in certain passages of this sermon his use of the word wicca is demonstrably feminine, we can for the first time be sure that here the material relates to women. The homilist explains the powers claimed by these women and details many of their traits. They are revealed as disciples of an elemental heathenism, teaching the worship of stones, trees and wells; they are possessed of occult knowledge which, though it may be true, is dangerous because it comes from the devil. As well as brewing love philtres they dabble in dream interpretation. Although he censures them, saying:

Us is to secenne. gif we geswencte beop pa bote cet gode. ne at pam gramlican wiccan*x

'It is for us to seek, if we are hard pressed, the cure from God, not from these grim women.'

they were important members of late tenth-century England. In many things they resemble the "cunning women' of whom it was said in the sixteenth century:

'The trade is thought to be impious. The effect and end thereof to be sometimes evill, as when thereby man or beast, grasse, trees or corne, etc.; is hurt;

89 D. Wilkins Consilia Magna Britannia et Hibernia (London 1737) I 131-2.

90 W. W. Skeat Mlfric's Lives of the Saints (EETS 1881/1900) Sermon XVII, 11. 157 f.

91 ibid. XVII11 181-2.

sometimes good, as whereby sicke folkes are healed, theeves bewraied and true men come to their goods, etc. The matter and instruments, wherewith it is accomplished, are words, signes, images, characters etc.'92

According to iElfric they seek the devil's aid in making their prophecies.

The theme of compact with the devil in witchcraft originated in the East, but did not receive a full and widespread currency in English writings for some time. iElfric does not record anything which would suggest that these women he paints practised the black arts. He describes sume gewitlease wif93 who commits herself and her child to the devil at wega gelatum 'crossroads',94 but in his words there is nothing to indicate that she was a Satanist apprenticing her child to her 'Master'. She was keeping alive, perhaps unconsciously and superstitiously, an old custom connected with the worship of Woden to whom gifts were offered at the crossroads. So too the memory of a similar custom is preserved in a few lines added to one version of the so-called 'Canons enacted under King Edgar'. These add to prohibitions against tree and stone worship:

. . . pone deofles craft. par man pa cild purh pa eorpan tihp*h

\ . . that heathen practice, where one draws children through the earth.'

Whether this also refers to the crossroads custom or to some ceremony in honour of an earth divinity it is impossible to guess, but it is again evidence of the enduring quality possessed by such lore. It seems probable that iElfric's hatsan—a word which had lost its old semantic force just as had earlier walcyrian—were wise village women who helped their neighbours with age-old charm receipts and, when these failed, with enchantments. Once they might have sought trees and wells because of their religious significance, a significance which may have regained force with the encroachments of the Norsemen.

Towards the end of the tenth century a new element enters into the English idea of witchcraft. Various church enactments had mentioned killing by witchcraft, but no hint had been given as to how this was accomplished. A few words of the Egbert penitentials:

Gif hwa drife stacan on anigne man. faste preo gear 7 gif se man for pare stacunge dead bip . . .96

'If anyone should drive stakes into any man, let him fast for three years . . . . . . and if the man should die on account of that staking . . .'

suggest that the practice of trying to kill a man by pricking his image may have been current. Though the origins of the material in this document and the possibility that this stacunge was perhaps no vicarious business make this interpretation doubtful, yet a reference to such a

92 M. Summers (ed.) Keg. Scot's The Discoverie of Witchcraft (London 1930) p. 274.

93 JEIf. op. cit. XVII 1. 148. 94 Kemble Solomon and Saturnus p. 122 1. 77.

95 Thorpe op. cit. X, version XVI. 96 D. Wilkins op. cit. I 137.

crime occurs in the record of an exchange of lands in the late tenth century:

... 7 pat land at JEgeleswyrde headde an wyduwe 7 hire sune cer forwyrt forpanpe ht drifon seme stacan on JElsie Wulfstanes feder 7 pat werp areafe 7 man teh pcet morp forp of hire nam man pat mf-j adrencte hi at lundene brigce 7 hire sune atberst 7 werd utlah 7 pat land eode pam kynge to handa 7 se kyng hit forgeaf pa JElfsige 7 Wulstan . . .97

. . and a widow and her son had previously forfeited the land at Ailsworth because they drove iron stakes into iElsie, Wulfstan's father, and that was discovered and the deadly image was taken from her closet. Then the woman was taken and drowned at London bridge and her son broke loose and became outlawed and the land went into the king's hands and the king then gave it to ./Elsie and Wulfstan . .

This passage indicates that the 'moppet' was used in England by the last part of the tenth century; it also provides the earliest record of a witch-hunt in England. It is interesting to note that while the woman was instantly drowned her son had time to escape—perhaps the woman was regarded as the more culpable of the two. Property was in dispute when the accusation was made and this Aelsie and Wulfstan gained through the success of their charges. The tale lacks the sophistication of the hey-day of the witch-hunts: no confessions, no counter-accusations, no further trials.

Very different is the description of a witch who lived in Berkeley in the mid-eleventh century. For William of Malmesbury the chief interest of his narrative lay in the Byzantine-inspired struggle for the woman's soul, a theme he declared perfectly credible to all those who were acquainted with Gregory's Dialogues. The introductory portrait he gives is most interesting:

Mulier in Berkeleia mansitabat, maleficiis, ut post patuit, insueta, auguriorum veterum non inscia, gula patrona, petulantia arbitray flagitiis non ponens modumy quod esset adhuc citra senium, vicino licet pede pulsans senectutis aditum. Maec cum quadam die convivaretur, cornicula quam in deliciis habebaty vocalius soli to, nescio quid, cornicata est . . .98

'There resided at Berkeley a woman addicted to witchcraft, as it afterwards appeared, and skilled in ancient augury; she was excessively gluttonous, perfectly lascivious, setting no bounds to her debaucheries, as she was not old, though treading fast towards the confines of age. On a certain day, as she was regaling, a jack-daw, which was a very great favourite, chattered something more loudly than usual . .

Other English writers of the twelfth century show interest in witchcraft but none gives evidence of the practice of demoniacal arts in England

97 A. J. Robertson Anglo-Saxon Charters (Cambridge 1939) XXXVII.

98 T. D. Hardy (ed.) Willelmi Malmesburiensis Monachi Opera (London 1840) pp. 351 f. trans. John Sharpe The History of the Kings of England and of his own Times by William of Malmesbury (London 1815) p. 264.

for such an early period. This woman is further described as being without Christian morals, as professing to have a power of prophecy and, like so many of the women accused of witchcraft in the later witchhunts, she has an especial pet, a jackdaw. The tale, like so much of the evidence on this subject, is untrustworthy in detail. The story is too well put together; the immoral mother is contrasted with her pious son and daughter, a monk and nun. The heavy bombastic phrases have literary rather than factual pretensions. William of Malmesbury's audience was fond of stories of this nature and no doubt a measure of sophistication had to be added to any tale told to them. A witch may well have lived in Berkeley in the mid-eleventh century, but this elaborate story can scarcely be more true of her life than the many varying tales about iElthryth are of that 'wicked' queen's.

Apart from this witch of Berkeley there is no evidence whatsoever to suggest that organized communities of witches existed in England before the Norman conquest, and no occurrence of Satanism is recorded earlier than the thirteenth century." It seems hardly wise therefore to argue backwards from sixteenth-century conditions beyond this date, for the

. . catena of ordinances, both ecclesiastical and civil, extending from the seventh to the e]eventh centuries . . .'10°

cited by Montague Summers is suspect evidence. There is nothing to indicate that a pre-Christian Dianic cult existed in Anglo-Saxon England, for the remnants of some form of elemental paganism are not to be confused with a later learned perversion of Christianity. Miss Eckenstein has examined the chief traits of legends surrounding women saints on the continent and suggests, most convincingly, that there a tradition arose of a non-existent Christian saint in many places, to conceal and transmute memories of an earlier pagan divinity.101 Although she points out that the lore surrounding English saints, at least for the period preceding the conquest, does not show similar developments—surely an indication that priestesses played little part in Anglo-Saxon paganism?—she finds it impossible to mistrust Tacitus's statement that the Germans believed women to be possessed of an element of prophecy and holiness. Unable to find specific evidence of an early worship of priestesses among the Anglo-Saxons, she is yet content to accept their existence and remarks:

cIt is true that the inclination to hold women in reverence remained, and found expression in the readiness with which they revered women as saints.'

Men and women who were generous to the Church, and princes and princesses who entered monastic life, had their names generally recorded in local church calendars and were thereafter called saints, for only since

99 W. Notestein A. History of Witchcraft in England (Washington 1911) p. 4.

100 M. Summers Geography of Witchcraft p. 72. 101 Op. cit. pp. 28 f.

115 3 has the right to create saints been Rome's alone; thus Miss Ecken-stein's assumption also takes too much for granted. The medicinal charms and salves of the leechbooks, enlarged though they were from many sources, were not regarded as evil magical formulas used especially by evil women; Old English literature knows no one comparable to Gower's Medea or the witches in Manning's Handling Synne\ chronicles written before the Norman conquest on the whole lack the attractive embroidery provided by the later chroniclers. Later narratives and histories attach tales of witchcraft to such figures as Queen iElthryth, inventions showing a knowledge of magical practices which could have come from a familiarity with classical literature, continental writings and troubadour romances.

This incomplete sketch of certain problems which complicate the examination of witchcraft in Anglo-Saxon England has attempted to show where some of the main hazards lie. I have not touched upon the possible influence of Celtic magic on the Anglo-Saxons, although there is much to suggest that they knew of Celtic practices and traditions. A loan word from Old Irish is the first part of one of the chief compound words the Anglo-Saxons used to designate magical practices—drycrceft. Two short passages among the charms are demonstrably in Irish. Celtic culture has left its mark on many material objects which were used in Anglo-Saxon England, and much Old English religious thought is often more closely paralleled in Irish writings than in the earlier patristic writings and commentaries from which both stem. The whole problem of the relationship between Ireland and England in this period is one which is still to be explored.

The small amount of material I have dealt with allows me to suggest only a few conclusions. Scattered evidences show that a Germanic heathen religion, relatively simple in comparison with the beliefs held by the Scandinavians, was well established in early Anglo-Saxon England, but seemingly Christianity imposed itself upon region after region without great difficulty. In some places its advance was helped by those who had before led the worship of heathen gods, and the missionaries in their turn incorporated and adapted pagan materials among the doctrines and prayers of the church. The rune masters turned their craft to ornamenting memorial crosses, the wise men appealed to Christ above Woden in their litanies, monasteries grew apace, and kingdoms became more united, one to another. With the first settlements of the Danes lawmakers soon found it necessary to legislate severely against heathen beliefs that were gaining sway over large tracts of the country, and with these laws came the first continental-inspired prohibitions of witchcraft in English law. The main purpose of this paper, however, has been to consider whether there is in Anglo-Saxon England from the earliest period a continuing chain of events which would link its beliefs with the ideas of witchcraft which so tortured Europe in later

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